Youths and Liberation Discussion Assignment
Order Number Y47874HDUEW Type of Project Essay/Research Paper Writer Level PHD/MASTERS Writing Style APA/Harvard/MLA/CHICAGO Citations 5 Page Count 3-15
Youths and Liberation Discussion Assignment
The text highlights how during the 1960s and 1970s, youths battled adult state officials, their parents, and even their surrogates (teachers). They fought about foreign policy, mandatory military service, the acceptability of sex before marriage, the length of hair, style of clothes, drug use, and popular music. These public and intimate battles were bitter and protracted, leading to a yawning “generation gap,” in which the previous generation had little control over the next generation.
So how did the White youths’ fight for more rights during the 1960s compare to that of the Blacks? How were they similar? How are they different? Examine how music helped to play a part with both groups.
Discussion Response 1
During the 1960s White youths fought for rights in a few ways. White youths were able to “organize protests across the South. During the next year, “over 50,000 people participated in one demonstration or another in 100 cities and over 3,600 demonstrators spent time in jail” (Schaeffer, 2014). Another thing White youths did was “challenge segregationist laws and voter restrictions, which allowed whites to disenfranchise blacks. The voter-registration drive organized by youths through the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Congress for Racial Equality (CORE) triggered a violent white response, which eventually prompted federal government intervention and passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965” (Schaeffer, 2014). Meanwhile, “Black citizens in the North supported organizations such as the NAACP, which mounted legal challenges to segregation and the treatment of black denizens in the South” (Schaeffer, 2014). Another example of actions being taken was “in February 1960, four black youths sat down at a whites-only lunch counter at Woolworth’s in Greensboro, North Carolina, and asked to be served” (Schaeffer, 2014). While both White youths’ and Black people took legislative actions, organized, and helped political protests, the main differences were in how they were treated and targeted by the police and others. Music played a major role in this time of change. An example of this would be The Woodstock Musical Festival, it “began on August 15, 1969, as half a million people waited on a dairy farm in Bethel, New York, for the three-day music festival to start. Billed as “An Aquarian Experience: 3 Days of Peace and Music,”” (History, 2021). It is important to note that in 1969 “the country was deep into the controversial Vietnam War, a conflict that many young people vehemently opposed. It was also the era of the civil rights movement, a period of great unrest and protest. Woodstock was an opportunity for people to escape into music and spread a message of unity and peace” (History, 2021). Another festival going on during this time was The Harlem Cultural Festival, “Harlem’s Mount Morris Park had hosted a series of free Sunday afternoon concerts, known collectively as the Harlem Cultural Festival, which featured a startling roster of artists, including Nina Simone, Stevie Wonder, Sly and the Family Stone, B.B. King, the Staple Singers, the 5th Dimension, and Gladys Knight and the Pips” (BERNSTEIN, 2020). This festival was a way “to offset the pain we all felt after MLK,” the Rev. Jesse Jackson, who spoke at the festival in 1969, recalls to Rolling Stone. “The artists tried to express the tensions of the time, a fierce pain and a fierce joy.” (BERNSTEIN, 2020). The role of music during this time was to provide not only an outlet for frustration but to also create a sense of community and to heal.
BERNSTEIN, J. (2020). This 1969 Music Fest Has Been Called ‘Black Woodstock.’ Why Doesn’t Anyone Remember? RollingStone. https://www.rollingstone.com/music/music-features/…
History. (2021, August 13). Woodstock. https://www.history.com/topics/1960s/woodstock
Schaeffer, R. K. (2014). Social Movements and Global Social Change: The Rising Tide. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Discussion response 2
Greetings Fellow Classmates/Dr. Beach:
This was one of the most turbulent times in American History. White youth were protesting the Viet Nam war by burning their draft cards. Dissatisfied with the world they inherited and following a pattern of dissent from their parents’ generation, the youth of the 1960s formed a “counter-culture” which rejected many of the fundamental values of American society. A much larger generation than previous ones (economics was not all that boomed after World War II), this generation grew up with every advantage their parents could afford to give them, including a college education. (Yale New-Haven Teacher’s Institute, 2021). A great deal of white college students realized that what they took for granted as “self-evident truths,” rights such as liberty and equality, were blatantly denied many black Americans. It was on college campuses that protests for equality took place. One of the most pivotal events that defined protests on college campuses happened on the campus of Kent State University (Johnson, et al., 1980). Students were protesting the escalation of the Viet Nam War. The protests escalated and when it was over, the National Guardsmen fired sixty-one shots within thirteen seconds, killing four students and wounding nine. A lesser-known protest happened at Jackson State University in Mississippi. The Black students were protesting many of the injustices, and segregation that occurred in the south. During the protests, someone threw a bottle which smashed at the feet of several Guardsmen. In the next twenty-eight seconds a whole barrage of shots was fired, killing two students and wounding twelve. All those shots were black. All law enforcement officials were white (Johnson, et al., 1980). The tragedy at Jackson State pointed up a problem that the whole United States has of race relations. While white college students did protest segregation in the south and were freedom riders journeying down to the South to register blacks to vote, the incident at Kent State University was a catalyst for the escalation of student activism to the point of lawless violence (Johnson, et al., 1980).
The evolution of the culture can be seen in the changes which occurred in its music. In 1969 there was Woodstock which, was a music festival held August 15–18, 1969, on a dairy farm in Bethel, New York 40 miles (65 km) southwest of the town of Woodstock (Tiber, 2010). Billed as “an Aquarian Exposition: 3 Days of Peace & Music” and alternatively referred to as the Woodstock Rock Festival (it attracted an audience of more than 400,000.Thirty-two acts performed outdoors despite sporadic rain. (Tiber 2010). The festival has become widely regarded as a pivotal moment in popular music history as well as a defining event for the counterculture generation (Tiber, 2010). In 1963 and the years to follow, several social influences changed what popular music was and gave birth to the diversity that we experience with music today. The assassination of President John Kennedy, Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy, the escalation of the war in Vietnam and the forward-progress of the Civil Rights Movement all greatly impacted the mood of American culture and the music began to reflect that change (Johnson, Feinberg, 1980). The “British Invasion” began around 1963 with the arrival of The Beatles on the music scene. There was the folk music that white youth listened to that defined their generation. In the beginning of the 60s Bob Dylan (“The Times They Are Changing”) became the anthem of social change in the United States among white college students. James Brown with “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud and Sam Cooke’s, “A Change is Gonna Come” and “We Shall Overcome” became anthems of the Civil Rightst Movement for Black Americans. This song has also become a rallying cry for the present-day Black Lives Matter movement even though this song was released 58 years ago. Joan Baez and Phil Ochs told of changing times in their folk songs. For white youth, rock dominated the scene with bands such as Jefferson Airplane and the Grateful Dead leading the way. The Motown Sound, featuring Stevie Wonder, Marvin Gaye, (What’s Going On?”) the Temptations, and Diana Ross and the “Queen” of Soul, Aretha Franklin, were some of the big “Soul” singers of the sixties. While whites enjoyed both genres of music, folk and Soul, blacks listened mainly to “soul music.” The 1960s was indeed a decade of change—change driven by the demands of equality, freedom and tolerance by both blacks and whites.
Johnson, Norris R., & Feinberg, William E., Youth Protests in the 60’s; An Introduction., Sociological Focus., August 1980.
Rhinehart, RJ., Protests and the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960’s. Popular Resistance.Org., Undated
On page 161 of the text, the author states that in order for individuals, social networks, bureaucratic organizations, and political parties to gain power, they have engaged in litigation, hunger strikes, migrating, joining clubs, forming bands, patronizing clubs and bars, throwing stones, joining mobs and riots, organizing rebellions and armed insurrections, campaigning for office, and passing legislation to claim or shape human rights (liberty, equality, and the solidarity found in community).
Using these words as your model: Which form of protest is the most successful? Which one is the least successful? Give an example of each type.
This is from page 161
Before the revolution, British officials “dealt with independent and conquered [American Indian] tribes on the fringes of the white settlements as sovereign political communities, negotiating with them as with foreign nations” (italics added), like France or Spain. In many respects, Indians possessed a status that was superior to white settlers, who were merely subjects of the king. “The Indians, though living among the king’s subjects . . . are a separate and distinct people from them, they are treated as such, they have a policy of their own, they make peace and war with any nation of Indians they think fit without control from the English.” Indian autonomy rankled white settlers, who complained, “I can in no manner consider the Mohegan Indians as a separate or sovereign state. . . . [Such a view] exposes his majesty and sovereignty to ridicule.”When the Revolutionary War erupted, most Indians fought on the side of the British, largely because the British promised to protect Indian rights and land. “The logic of nearly two hundred years of abrasive contact with colonizing Europeans compelled the choice most Indians made to support Britain,” the historian Gary Nash observes, “since it was the colonists who most threatened Indian autonomy” (italics added). But at war’s end, the Indians, who had not been defeated on the battlefield, “emerged from the conflict with their independence decisively impaired.” During postwar negotiations, the British betrayed their promises to protect the Indians and ceded Indian lands from the Appalachians to the Mississippi to the new republic without the consent of Indian peoples. US negotiators, led by John Quincy Adams, who regarded the Indians who fought with the British as traitors, refused to recognize the sovereignty of Indian tribes, arguing that they were “‘subjects’ of the United States rather than ‘nations,’ [and were] incapable of treating with a foreign power.” US officials demanded the surrender of Indian lands and rights as part of the peace agreement, and the British eventually agreed. These developments degraded the rights and status of diverse and autonomous Indian tribes and reduced them collectively to denizens of the United States, a status comparable with resident aliens or unnaturalized immigrants, except, of course, that they were indigenous “aliens,” not foreign “aliens.” One federal court ruled in 1823 that Indians were “of that class who are said by jurists not to be citizens, but perpetual inhabitants, with diminutive rights. They were considered an inferior race of people without the privileges of citizens, and under the perpetual protection and pupilage of the government” (italics added). The Supreme Court later refused to treat Indians as people who deserved protection under the Constitution, arguing that Indians are “in a state of pupillage. Their relation to the United States resembles that of a ward to his guardian.”As the Republic expanded to the West, white settlers and state officials increasingly viewed Indians as a threat to public safety, not only in lands west of the Appalachians but also east of the mountains, and demanded the removal of Indians there to lands west of the Mississippi. Although state officials first discussed removing Indians in 1803, the War of 1812 and wars with the Creek in 1812–1814 and the Seminoles in 1817–1818 “gave new impetus to the removal policy,” which was advanced by President Monroe in the 1820s and forcibly implemented by President Andrew Jackson after passage of the Indian Removal Act of 1830. During the next twenty years, “three quarters of the 125,000 Native Americans living east of the Mississippi were ‘removed’ with the loss of one-fourth to one-third of all southern Native American lives.”As a result, Indians descended from denizens to the subjects of US military authority and were forcibly deported to reservations, which the commissioner of Indian affairs described as a “legalized reformatory” for Indians, “a place where they must adopt non-Indian ways, ‘peaceably if they will, forcibly if they must.’”The Supreme Court refused to consider Indians as “people” protected by the Constitution before the Civil War. After Congress and the states adopted the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, the court refused to extend its provisions to Indians, thereby denying Indians the right to either citizenship or suffrage, even though they were born in the United States. In the landmark 1884 decision in Elk v. Wilkins, the Supreme Court concluded that John Elk, an Indian born on tribal lands, could not claim citizenship under the Fourteenth Amendment or suffrage under the Fifteenth Amendment.Still, in the late nineteenth century, state governments and federal officials adopted policies that allowed adult Indian males to claim citizenship and suffrage if they abandoned their Indian identity, moved off the reservation, paid taxes, and assimilated, a development that essentially allowed Indians to “immigrate and naturalize,” like foreign immigrants.Why did Indians, who descended from sovereign peoples to denizens and then subjects of state authority in the United States, fall so far? First, state officials and white settlers saw them as a military threat before and after the Revolutionary War. Although Indian military capacities diminished rapidly, sporadic and small-scale conflict kept the Indian military threat visible until late in the nineteenth century. State officials and citizens viewed Indian resistance as a betrayal, which deserved serious punishment, though state officials and private citizens routinely provoked Indian resistance by seizing Indian lands and “removing” Indian peoples .Second, almost no one in the Republic defended or assisted Indians. No one organized a movement, comparable to the abolitionists, that objected to the mistreatment of Indian peoples, perhaps because white settlers viewed Indians not only as racially inferior but also as domestic “terrorists.” Third, although Indians were collectively punished for the resistance of individual groups, they were enormously diverse and found it difficult to collaborate or unite against a common foe. Moreover, they did not generally seek citizenship and suffrage, but rather sovereignty as a political goal, which may have been an unrealistic or utopian aspiration in this context. Still, Indians filed lawsuits, organized social movements, and, during World Wars I and II, served in the army, which helped improve their social and legal status.
Responses Due Wednesday night
Society has operated on its own, as individuals and in public systems, in various methods to create, support, and fight change. People also shaped bureaucratic organizations to form changes. Bureaucratic organizations are the most successful because they are unlike any other social networks in two significant respects (Schaeffer, 2014). Primarily, because it permits actors to produce an organization managed by specialists, in a categorized classification of work, according to recognized guidelines or procedures, to accomplish particular objectives. Next, they allow actors to pursue these goals for a long period of time. Bureaucratic organization allows actors to accept challenging projects—resistance that contradicts dynastic power, takeover of rulers, and extension of women’s suffrage—which may take centuries to complete (Schaeffer, 2014). Women struggled for seventy years to acquire suffrage in the United States. The women who at first originated this movement did not live to see its conclusion. However, the organizations they shape make it possible to transform employees, raise funds, and accept strategies to subsidize the achievements of long-term plans (Schaeffer, 2014).
Mobs and riots are the least successful because they offer members a kind of obscurity, which empowers them to participate in unlawful conduct and create robust demands for transformation without consequences (Schaeffer, 2014). Even when, individuals realized that they might act successfully in a mob, for the reason that public officers know that it may be tough to detect members in a mob and indict them independently or because public officers permitted inhabitants or non-state actors to execute forcefully in contradiction of citizen and subject inhabitants (Schaeffer, 2014).
Schaeffer, R. K. (2014). Social movements and global social change: The rising tide. Rowman & Littlefield
Fellow Classmates/Dr. Beach:
The form of protest that is most successful is non-violent protests. Not only is nonviolent resistance a very effective form of protest — look at the results achieved by Gandhi or Martin Luther King, Jr. — peaceful protests do not have the immense collateral damage and hateful aftermath of armed resistance.
The Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–1956) was one of the most successful form of protest of the civil rights movement. The objective of the bus boycott was to lessen racial segregation and inequality for African Americans in the American South. The method of protest was the refusal of African Americans to use public transportation in Montgomery, Alabama. The boycott resulted in an Alabama district court ruling that racial segregation was unlawful. The decision was appealed but upheld by the Supreme Court (Garrow, 1985). Not only is nonviolent resistance a very effective form of protest — look at the results achieved by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. — peaceful protests do not have the immense collateral damage and hateful aftermath of armed resistance. This was a nonviolent and very effective form of protest that made a profound change and was arguably the impetus of the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960’s.
The January 6th insurrection is an example of how violent protests are the least successful. The Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol was a shocking and horrifying event, as captured by countless testimonials from lawmakers who fled the scene and Capitol Police officers who faced off with insurrectionists in hand-to-hand combat. Trump supporters assaulted Capitol Police officers and hurled racist insults at them as they forced their way into the building. Approximately 140 police officers were injured during the attack. Dozens of people have been charged with using a deadly or dangerous weapon or causing serious bodily injury to an officer (NPR, 2021). This event has managed to further divide the United States and the formation of a commission to find out what exactly happened.
Garrow, David J. (1985). ” The Origins of the Montgomery Bus Boycott”. Journal of the Southern Regional Council. Emory University. 7 (5): 24.
NPR Staff, The Capitol Siege., NPR Newsletter, October 8, 2021
Topic 7 question 1 Due Saturday Night
Define what an aspiring social group is? How has it accomplished feats in the past? What groups today fits the aspiring model and what are they trying to accomplish?
Greetings Dr. Beach and Classmates,
An aspiring social group is a social movement that rejects the social inequalities they are subjected to by dynastic states, opting for democracy (Schaeffer, 2014). Furthermore, aspiring social groups seek the liberty, freedom, and equality afforded to unoppressed, non-persecuted, or restricted groups through tactical efforts focused at local, national, and global levels; in order, to create situations of strategic importance needed for social change (Schaeffer, 2014). In the past, aspiring movements have fought to overthrow dictatorships, expansion of citizenry, eliminate/redefine denizenry, establish human rights, and provide national suffrage for the ill-represented (Schaeffer, 2014). Today, groups that fit into the aspiring group model are March for Our Lives, Girls Rights to Education, and Women’s Right to Drive in Saudi Arabia. These aspiring social movements have and are still fighting for gun reform to support the reduction of gun violence, the right to education for all genders, and women’s rights as citizens. These social movements seek a modification or transformation of government’s processes and laws through the strategic methods of legislation and protests; in order, to bring about awareness of injustices and inequalities while advocating for victims and denizens.
Amnesty International Australia. (2020, June 8). 9 powerful Social Change Movements You Need to Know about. Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org.au/9-powerful-social-change-movements-you-need-to-know-about/.
March For Our Lives. (2021, October 12). March for our lives. https://marchforourlives.com/.
Schaeffer, R. K. (2014). Social movements and global social change: The rising tide. Rowman & Littlefield.
Here is the second.
Fellow Classmates/Dr. Beach:
According to our text, “Aspiring movements created republics in postcolonial states, democratized the republics, and expanded citizenries within them” (Schaeffer, 2014).
In the United States, aspiring groups adopted different approaches to change. They did not approach the federal government as a group to seek change. With the passage of the 13th Amendment, women were given the right to vote. This was accomplished by women protesting, marching, lobbying the legislators. They organized large organizations based on a shared identity as women (Schaeffer, 2014). The Emancipation Proclamation and the adaptation of the 13th Amendment, federal executive action and constitutional amendments introduced by Republicans in Congress (Schaeffer, 2014) were all instrumental in freeing slaves. The determination of blacks to escape from bondage, rise in revolt, challenge white authority in court, support Union forces during the Civil War, and serve in uniform on the battlefield persuaded the federal government to act (Schaeffer, 2014). Large national organizations challenged older adults, burned draft cards, staged sit-ins and love-ins. Their efforts persuaded the federal government and the states to extend suffrage to youths, end conscription, and withdraw from Vietnam in a fairly short period of time (Schaeffer, 2014).
Groups that Represent the Aspiring Social Group
Black Lives Matter Movement which aspires to end social injustice and racism and to bring an end to Police Brutality against people of color. They continually strive to bring the issue of inequality to the forefront.
GLAAD – An organization defending the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, LGBT organizations, and subcultures.
NAACP – From police brutality to COVID-19 to voter suppression, Black communities are under attack. The NAACP continues to work to disrupt inequality, dismantle racism, and accelerate change in key areas including criminal justice, health care, education, climate, and the economy and has secured more wins than anyone else.
Schaeffer, R. (2014). Social movements and global social change: The rising tide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN-13: 9781442214897
After reading the article “How ICTs Affect Democracy and Corruption in Emerging Societies,” analyze the use of ICT within modern social movements in America. (Your response should include some different types ICT that people use in this country to effect social change and explain if you think that if helps to bolster true social change or does it pander to digital activists a.k.a. slackivists?)
On 12 June 2009, tens of millions of citizens cast their votes in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s 10th presidential election. Within four hours of the polls closing, Iran’s state-run media announced that the incumbent candidate, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, had been reelected to a second fouryear term as the nation’s president. In the days that followed, hundreds of thousands of Iranians gathered in the streets and squares of their nation’s major cities to protest what they believed to be government-perpetrated election fraud on a grand scale. In an effort to prevent news of the social unrest from spreading throughout the nation and around the world, the Iranian government immediately cut mobile phone service, severed access to the Internet, and expunged most foreign journalists from the country. Despite these efforts, Iranian citizens circumvented government restrictions, and news and video of the unfolding events flowed out of the country over Iran’s robust information and communication technology (ICT) networks. After weeks of protests, the Iranian regime ultimately quelled public dissent by using violence, intimidation, and imprisonment. Nevertheless, the mobile phone video and Internet-based discussions engendered by the disputed election made it clear to the world that a desire for change was growing among the people of Iran. Less than two years later, these technologies featured even more prominently in a wave of demonstrations and revolutions, rocking the political foundations of countries throughout North Africa and the Middle East.1 While the disputed Iranian presidential election and the events of the Arab Spring have prompted a great deal of speculation and comment on the How ICTs Affect Democracy and Corruption in Emerging Societies itpro-14-04-Sop.indd 18 6/27/12 4:25 PM computer.org/ITPro 19 value of ICT-mediated citizen journalism, they also serve as a wellspring for questions about the larger role that ICTs might play in facilitating political transformations in emerging societies. For quite some time, many in the international community have focused on ICTs as a means of accelerating development, thus thrusting ICT adoption to the center of the global development policy debate. Despite this vigorous international interest, only a few scientific investigations have examined how ICTs affect development at the societal level. Here, we examine the extent to which two prominent ICTs—mobile phones and the Internet— affect levels of democracy and political corruption in emerging societies. Our analysis reveals several fascinating insights about the complex interplay between ICTs and an emerging society’s economic, social, and political structures. ICTs, Corruption, and Democracy Although political systems exist ideally to support the needs, goals, and values of a society’s citizens, emerging societies are frequently plagued by political corruption.2 Those who possess political power and engage in corrupt activities violate the trust placed in them by their society as custodians of the common good. Although the factors that drive corruption among government officials can vary widely by circumstance, personal gain and the desire to maintain or increase power are commonly cited motivations.3 Regardless of what leads a government official to step across the threshold of corruption, he or she will do so only when the anticipated benefits outweigh any ethical considerations and the corresponding risk of detection and punishment is perceived to be low. For example, consider the case of China, where 10 percent of all government spending (approximately US$86 billion) is stolen or funneled into bribes, while fewer than 3 percent of corrupt officials are caught and punished.4 Corruption, however, isn’t limited to nondemocratic emerging societies. India, for example, is also mired in corruption, despite its status as the world’s largest democracy. Examples such as these highlight the importance of looking beyond an emerging society’s political structures to explain the prevalence of corruption. Theories of institutional and power transition tie the distribution of power and influence within an emerging society to its information networks.5,6 Sociologist Manuel Castells’ influential theory of network society (TNS) posits that as a society evolves into one based on knowledge and information, the power within that society becomes increasingly decentralized and is redistributed among those connected to the network.7 Although simply having access to information might be sufficient to alter societal power structures, the ability to share information with others and freely generate new information endows those connected to the network with an even greater degree of societal power and influence. For evidence of this phenomenon, just consider the emergence of new media (blogs, social networking sites, and other Web-based repositories of user-generated content such as YouTube and Twitter). While initially seen only as curiosities, many now believe that these new media have fundamentally transformed the global political landscape—a view that seems reasonable in the wake of the events of the Arab Spring. As power becomes increasingly concentrated in the hands of the citizenry, power transition theories predict that those connected to the network will act to maintain and expand their power. When information about government activities flows freely among a society’s members, it reduces the information asymmetry between the citizens and their government. The resulting increase in transparency implies that a parallel reduction in the prevalence of corruption among public officials must occur if those officials hope to retain their positions of power. Because ICTs, such as mobile phones and the Internet, enable news and information about government policies and activities to be readily shared among those connected to an emerging society’s information networks, an increase in the proportion of citizens who use such technologies should reduce political corruption over time. This argument leads to our first set of hypotheses: Hypothesis 1A: Mobile phone adoption inversely impacts levels of corruption in emerging societies. Hypothesis 1B: Internet adoption inversely impacts levels of corruption in emerging societies. itpro-14-04-Sop.indd 19 6/27/12 4:25 PM 20 IT Pro July/August 2012 IT in Emerging Market s As the ability of citizens to access and share previously unavailable information grows, the political power in an emerging society becomes increasingly concentrated in the hands of the citizenry.7 Given that both government “by the people” and the open exchange of opinions and information are characteristics of democracies, emerging societies can be expected to progressively adopt and exhibit democratic principles and ideals as they become more information-centric. The adoption of ICT should therefore accelerate the institutionalization of democratic principles within emerging societies. These conjectures lead to our second set of research hypotheses: Hypothesis 2A: Mobile phone adoption positively impacts levels of institutionalized democracy in emerging societies. Hypothesis 2B: Internet adoption positively impacts levels of institutionalized democracy in emerging societies. Figure 1 depicts the conceptual research model for our study and lists the countries, regions, and religions included in our analysis. Measuring Corruption and Democracy To begin our investigation, we first identified the set of emerging nations to include in the analysis. Although many opinions about what constitutes an emerging country exist, there’s no widely agreed-upon definition. To ensure generalizable results, we adopted a broad definition that included all 88 countries currently classified by the World Bank as “middle income.” Data for our research constructs were acquired from three prevalidated sources. First, we adopted the dependent “democracy” construct from the Polity IV dataset published by the Center for Systemic Peace (CSP).8 The CSP measure characterizes democratic societies as those that guarantee civil liberties while constraining executive power by endowing citizens with the right to express preferences about alternative leaders and policies. CSP’s yearly democracy scores for each country range in value from 0 (no democracy) to 10 (highly democratic). Next, we operationalized the dependent “corruption” construct using Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), which provides yearly measures of the extent to which corruption is perceived to exist in a given country.9 Like the democracy construct, the CPI measures corruption on a scale ranging from 0 to 10. However, we inverted the original scaling so that larger values indicate greater levels of corruption, rather than vice-versa. We adopted our remaining constructs from the World Bank Group’s World Development Indicators database (http://data.worldbank.org/indicator), which provides yearly data on hundreds of attributes for nearly every country in the world. For our “mobile phone adoption” construct, we used the World Bank’s “mobile cellular subscriptions” measure, while our “Internet adoption” construct was operationalized as the World Bank’s “Internet users” measure. The World Figure 1. The conceptual research model for testing our four hypotheses and the countries, regions, and religions included in our analysis. Mobile phone adoption Covariates (religion, geographic region, and year) Corruption Democracy Internet adoption H1B – H2B + H1A – Hypotheses: H2A + Countries included in the analysis: Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroon, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cote d’Ivoire, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malaysia, Mauritius, Mexico, Moldova, Morocco, Namibia, Nigeria, Philippines, Romania, Russia, Senegal, South Africa, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Venezuela, Vietnam, and Zambia. Geographic regions included in the analysis: East Asia and Pacic, Europe and Central Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Predominant religions included in the analysis: Atheism, Buddhism, Catholic Christianity, Hinduism, Indigenous/Syncretic, Orthodox Christianity, Protestant Christianity, Shi’a Islam, Su Islam, and Sunni Islam. itpro-14-04-Sop.indd 20 6/27/12 4:25 PM computer.org/ITPro 2 1 Bank standardizes both of these measures as percentages of each country’s population, thus allowing valid comparisons to be made across countries and timeframes. In an effort to control for other potentially confounding intersocietal differences, we also included several covariates in the dataset. First, we included each emerging society’s predominant religion, because deeply ingrained religious beliefs can influence cultural attitudes, with the impact varying based on the religion.10 Next, we included each country’s geographic region, because ecological similarities and differences are known to be a function of geographic proximity.11 We coded both of these measures as a series of binary variables in the dataset. To control for the potentially confounding effects of between-society economic differences, we also included each country’s per capita gross national income (GNI) as a covariate. Finally, to control for any basal growth or decline in the dependent constructs over time, we added the year of each observation to our dataset. At the time of the study, data for the principal constructs were only concurrently available from 2000 through 2009, so the dataset was constrained to that 10-year analytic timeframe. As you might imagine, gathering high-quality descriptive data for every emerging country in the world is a monumental task, even for large nongovernmental organizations such as the World Bank. This problem impacted our study insofar as our dataset contained several incomplete observations. After excluding these incomplete rows of data, our final dataset contained 679 observations from 45 emerging countries, comprising a total of 10 religions and 6 geographic regions. Finally, we simultaneously tested all of our hypotheses using structural equation modeling with full maximum-likelihood estimation. Results and Recommendations The structural equation model produced the following parameter estimates for our hypotheses: • H1A = 0.000 ( p = 0.86), • H1B = –0.032 ( p < 0.001), • H2A = 0.033 ( p < 0.001), and • H2B = 0.017 ( p = 0.16). After controlling for the combined effects of the covariates, we concluded that mobile phone adoption does not significantly impact corruption in emerging societies but does exert a significant and positive influence on democracy. Conversely, Internet adoption significantly reduces corruption in emerging societies but did not significantly affect democracy. So, our data supported H1B and H2A but not H1A or H2B. Several covariates were also found to have no significant impact on the dependent variables. Per capita GNI and Shi’a Islam, for example, had no effect on democracy in emerging societies, while Sunni Islam, Orthodox Christianity, syncretic beliefs, and being located in South Asia or Sub-Saharan Africa had no significant effect on corruption. Removing these nonsignificant paths and reestimating the structural model produced our final results (see Figure 2). Given the scaling of the dataset’s variables, we can interpret these results as follows: For each additional 1 percent of an emerging society’s population that adopts mobile phones, democracy in that society can be expected to increase by 0.37 percent. Conversely, for each additional 1 percent of an emerging society’s population that adopts the Internet, corruption in that society can be expected to decrease by 0.30 percent. There are, of course, some caveats to these findings, resulting from inherent limitations in studies of this type. Although our study relied Figure 2. Model parameter estimates and fit statistics. Mobile phone adoption Covariates Corruption Democracy Internet adoption –0.030*** ***p < 0.001 0.037*** Model Fit Summary X2 (10) = 36.96, p < 0.001 Adjusted goodness of t index (AGFI) = 0.907 Comparative t index (CFI) = 0.995 Goodness of t index (GFI) = 0.995 Normed t index (NFI) = 0.993 Root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = 0.063 Probability of close t test (PCLOSE) = 0.143 itpro-14-04-Sop.indd 21 6/27/12 4:25 PM 22 IT Pro July/August 2012 IT in Emerging Market s on data from 45 emerging countries, there’s limited availability of high-quality data from other countries—highlighting the importance of expanding data-gathering activities in the developing world. Our investigation was also constrained to a 10-year timeframe, and it seems reasonable to expect that the nature of the relationships among ICTs, democracy, and corruption will change as societies evolve in the coming years. Nevertheless, our findings suggest that both mobile phone and Internet adoption contribute to political development in emerging societies. The transformative effects of those ICTs, however, are felt in very different ways. Specifically, our results raise two interesting questions for future research: • Why is democracy in emerging societies affected by mobile phone adoption but not by Internet adoption? • Why is corruption in emerging societies affected by Internet adoption but not by mobile phone adoption? One way of approaching these questions is to use a bit of deductive reasoning. We now know, for example, that mobile phones and the Internet exert different levels of influence on democracy and corruption in emerging societies. We can therefore conclude that something intrinsically different about these technologies or the way people use them is producing the observed effects. There are at least two major categories of such differences that merit consideration. First, mobile phones and the Internet support different modes and types of communication, and second, these technologies are used to transmit and share different types of information. With respect to the former, both technologies support synchronous and asynchronous communication, but mobile phones are more naturally inclined toward synchronous communication, while much of the communication that takes place over the Internet is asynchronous. What’s more, mobile phones are most often used for personal communication, while the Internet is more supportive of impersonal exchanges of information. With respect to the information, mobile phone conversations and text messages are typically private and of a transient nature, while much of the information available online is publicly accessible and of a less-transient nature. One or more of these differences in modes of communication and the type of information being conveyed might be responsible for the different impacts that mobile phones and the Internet were observed to have on democracy and corruption. It’s important to briefly reflect on the role of technological progress and the impact of time with respect to our findings. During much of the 2000–2009 timeframe, mobile phones and the Internet were largely distinct technologies, especially in the early years of our analytic period. As time has passed, however, the line that once sharply divided these technologies has begun to blur. Modern smartphones not only provide mobile phone capabilities but are also fully featured Internet devices in and of themselves. With the ongoing convergence of mobile phone and Internet technologies, the nature of the effects reported here will likely also evolve over time. Future work in this area should therefore incorporate this convergence phenomenon and consider its effects on democratization and corruption in emerging societies. If there’s a more general lesson here, it’s that ICT adoption can have unanticipated effects that reach far beyond the scope of individuals, groups, or organizations. Mobile phones, for example, weren’t designed to foster democracy in emerging societies, and yet they do. The Internet wasn’t designed to constrain corruption in emerging societies, and yet it does. What we find most fascinating is that the effects don’t seem to result from any intentional or concerted action on the part of the users of these technologies. Rather, they seem in general to be emergent properties that arise naturally when citizens in emerging societies adopt ICTs and integrate them into their lives. Corporate managers and policy makers interested in improving the political climate in emerging societies should thus target their efforts toward increasing mobile phone and Internet adoption by • investing in mobile phones and Internet infrastructure to ensure sufficient telecommunications capacity; • subsidizing the cost of obtaining mobile phone service and Internet access; • building local ICT competencies by providing training and educational opportunities; • supporting the creation of e-commerce and other ICT-based services; itpro-14-04-Sop.indd 22 6/27/12 4:25 PM computer.org/ITPro 2 3 • encouraging the development of Web content that’s relevant and useful to the local population; • creating expressive and easy-to-use digital platforms for online communication and social interaction; • advocating for policies and laws that support the free flow of ideas and information; and • encouraging the development of digital entertainment. Following these recommendations should stimulate positive changes in democracy and corruption (see Figure 3). Eighteen months after the events detailed in the introduction, a 26-year-old man named Mohamed Bouazizi stood in the middle of traffic facing the governor’s office in the town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, and asked, “How do you expect me to earn a living?” A moment later, in an act of self-immolation, Bouazizi doused himself with gasoline and set himself on fire. Earlier in the day, he had been harassed and humiliated by a local official for selling produce from his cart without a permit. Hundreds of citizens gathered in the streets of Sidi Bouzid to demonstrate in antigovernment protests. Mobile phone video of the protests and news of Bouazizi’s final act of desperation quickly spread across the country’s ICT networks. The frustration and dissent that had been building for years among the Tunisian people suddenly seemed to reach a critical mass, and soon thousands of protesters were marching in cities across central Tunisia. Using batons and bullets, the corrupt and autocratic government desperately tried to suppress the uprising, but eyewitness accounts of government atrocities and a flood of new mobile phone videos soon precipitated a full-scale revolution. Just 10 days after Bouazizi’s death, the Tunisian government collapsed. Images and video of jubilant Tunisians rejoicing in their new-found freedom soon ignited uprisings and major protests in countries across North Africa and the Middle East. With a little help from ICTs, a wave of revolution that would ultimately bring freedom and dignity to tens of millions of people had begun. References 1. A. Sharma, “IT in Governance in the 21st Century,” IT Professional, vol. 13, no. 3, 2011, pp. 7–9. 2. S. Rose-Ackerman, Corruption and Government: Causes, Consequences, and Reform, Cambridge Univ. Press, 2004. 3. A. Jain, Political Economy and Corruption, Routledga, 2001. 4. T. Atlas, “Corruption Eats Away at China’s Growth,” US News, 11 Oct. 2007; www.usnews.com/news/ blogs/news-desk/2007/10/11/corruption-eats-awayat-chinas-growth. 5. W.R. Scott, “Institutional Theory,” Encyclopedia of Social Theory, G. Ritzer, ed, Sage, 2004, pp. 408–414. 6. R.L. Tammen, Power Transitions: Strategies for the 21st Century, Chatham House Publishers, 2000. 7. M. Castells, “Materials for an Explanatory Theory of Network Society,” British J. Sociology, vol. 51, 2000, pp. 5–24. 8. M.G. Marshall and K. Jaggers, “Polity IV Project— Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions,” Center for Systemic Peace, 2011. 9. “Corruption Perceptions Index,” Transparency International, 2011; http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/ results. 10. R. Inglehart and P. Norris, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the World, Cambridge University Press, 2003. 11. J.H. Brown et al., “The Geographic Range: Size, Shape, Boundaries, and Internal Structure,” Ann. Rev. Ecology and Systematics, vol. 27, 1996, pp. 597–623. Daniel S. Soper is an assistant professor of information systems and decision sciences at California State University, Fullerton. His research interests include the impacts of ICTs in emerging societies, mental models, negotiation, online markets, machine learning, and the history and identity of the information systems discipline. Contact him at [removed] Haluk Demirkan is a clinical full professor of information systems and faculty of the Center for Services Leadership at Arizona State University. His research interests include service science and innovation, service supply chain management, and service-oriented sustainable IT solutions. Contact him at [removed]
Technological innovations have their influence and can reshape areas of a person’s lifestyle today as we live in the era of technology. The information and communication technologies (ICTs) contribute to society’s social change through the end-user exercise of the internet, computers, mass and mass media communications, and mobile devices. The ICT’s have been providing approaches to improving life and economic progress through endless users’ experiences to accomplish a shared communication to comprehensive listeners and viewers. Progressive communication technology is imperative in social movements and plays a crucial role in activism that encourages social change (Espinoza Vasquez, 2016). ICT has the capacity to share and access information beyond society to develop evidence detecting disorganizations, inequalities in societal structures, and institutions to authorize the end-user to promote social change directed at an audience to provoke behavioral patterns. ICT can emerge societies through political transformation, advancing societal authority, and enhance levels (Soper & Demirkan, 2012). It is an essential and global means to perform significant tasks in contributing and accelerating political development in growing societies, influencing social change efficiency. According to Soper and Dermirkan (2012), several in the international community have concentrated on the ICT’s as a method of increasing progress, propelling ICT adoption to the focus of the global development policy debate. ICT is a critical and prevalent approach to having an essential effect in modifying and modernizing social movement systems and the mode of knowledge (Espinoza Vasquez, 2016). ICT is a technology tool that assists with acquiring access to information and includes features that recover, store, receive or present information in a digitalized format. This technology innovation directs on communication systems and elements that contain the internet, social network, wireless network, and various forms of communication structures such as telecommunications, electronic display, and computing industries knowledge advancing social change (Espinoza Vasquez, 2016). ICT offers prompt and convenient access to information that was not accessible beforehand and allows social movements members to connect on an international level.
Espinoza Vasquez, F. K. (2016). The Role of ICTs in Social Movements: The Case of the Honduran National Front Against the 2009 Coup. Syracuse University SURFACE. Retrieved October 19, 2021, from https://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1553&context=etd.
Soper, D. S., & Demirkan, H. (2012). How ICTs Affect Democracy and Corruption in Emerging Societies. IT Professional, 14(4), 18–23. https://doi-org.lopes.idm.oclc.org/10.1109/MITP.20…
Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) is a broader term for Information Technology (IT), which refers to all communication technologies, including the internet, wireless networks, cell phones, computers, software, middleware, video-conferencing, social networking, and other media applications and services enabling users to access, retrieve, store, transmit, and manipulate information in a digital form. The Internet boom of the last half of the 1990s seemed to herald the arrival of a “New Economy” with its promise that, after the stagnation of the early 1990s, innovation in information and communication technologies (ICT) would regenerate economic prosperity. ICTs “exert different levels of influence on democracy and corruption in emerging societies” (Soper DS, Demirkan H, 2012) Subjects showed the highest scores in basic ICT skills, which include knowledge of computer systems, use of the operating system, search internet and communication and networking. Technology have long been recognized as critical elements of economic and social development. This perspective on the powerful role of ICT usage for social change is not only limited to political uprisings but also extends to the field of gender and development studies, with many scholars linking ICTs use to achieving women’s empowerment and emancipation. While the benefits of this transformation can be massive, there are also tremendous risks to our society.
Youths and Liberation Discussion Assignment
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